The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. Illustrated (eBook)
543 Seiten
Strelbytskyy Multimedia Publishing (Verlag)
978-0-88001-300-0 (ISBN)
David Ricardo (18 April 1772 - 11 September 1823) was a British political economist, one of the most influential of the classical economists along with Thomas Malthus, Adam Smith and James Mill. He was also a politician, and a member of the Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland.
David Ricardo (18 April 1772 – 11 September 1823) was a British political economist, one of the most influential of the classical economists along with Thomas Malthus, Adam Smith and James Mill. He was also a politician, and a member of the Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
Capitalism is not for the faint of heart. It is a system of supply and demand that reduces real workingmen and workingwomen into graphs and equations subject to "aggregate" observations devoid of any real human factors. If left to regulate itself, the economy should remain in check and avoid dangerously radical changes in productivity, orthodox economists maintain. How then do we explain terrible recessions such as the Great Depression, where unemployment figures were seen as high as 25% with still more underemployed and working far below their experience and capability? Shouldn't the system have corrected itself before such dire circumstances were created? Economists reply simply: workers are unwilling to accept lower wages during times of decline, and would rather quit thus jeopardizing the beautifully constructed, but apparently fragile, classical theory of economics. And if these arguments were not effective, there was always the fallback plan of declaring "Social Darwinism," with the Great Depression serving as a perfect opportunity to weed out the worst employees and only the best would emerge victorious at some unforeseeable future date.
In the first few months following an explosion of depressed economic data in 1929, perhaps the population would nervously accept these postulates. Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon even insisted that "values will be adjusted, and enterprising people will pick up the wreck from less-competent people." But as the Depression deepened by 1932, and food lines grew, such disregard for the well being of average working Americans would no longer be tolerated. Other economic systems such as socialism and Marxism became attractive. Politicians like Hughie P. Long rose to power with popular slogans that advocated "Share our Wealth" and "Every Man a King."
As he watched revolutions in both Germany and Russia, John Maynard Keynes was ready for drastic action to rescue capitalism from the stubborn hands of classical economists who refused to intervene. He set aside deeply rooted beliefs that "supply creates its own demand" and simply states, "the postulates of the classical theory are applicable to a special case only and not to the general case." More radical ideas were put forward as well, including a bold challenge to David Ricardo and Adam Smith. Where Ricardo had once stated "Like all other contracts, wages should be left to the fair and free competition of the market, and should never be controlled by the interference of the legislature," Keynes took a more reasoned approach and replied that such hopes for a fair and balanced equilibrium in the real wage "presumes that labour itself is in a position to decide the real wage for which it works, though not the quantity of employment forthcoming at this wage."
Keynes encouraged government spending and short-term deficits during recessions to alleviate the pressures of a contracting economy. His theories established the field of "macroeconomics" and his influence is felt by every nation on earth. New transformations in this field have since emerged, such as policy disputes over how and where the government multiplier effect should be used, but in general his beliefs have laid a strong foundation for a different sort of government which does not see itself so far removed from the daily operations of the economy. Perhaps Keynes truly did save capitalism - the variables are too great to ever know for sure - but without a doubt since the introduction of his theories the business cycle has smoothed and recessions are less severe. While it would be nice to say he underestimated himself and modestly assumed his contribution to be "a voice in a choir", Keynes was fully aware of the impact he and his fellow economists had on the world: "The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist."
Steven Guess
February 16, 2003
Steven is Editor-in-Chief of Standard Profit.com, an economics analysis company
This book is chiefly addressed to my fellow economists. I hope that it will be intelligible to others. But its main purpose is to deal with difficult questions of theory, and only in the second place with the applications of this theory to practice. For if orthodox economics is at fault, the error is to be found not in the superstructure, which has been erected with great care for logical consistency, but in a lack of clearness and of generality in the pre misses. Thus I cannot achieve my object of persuading economists to re-examine critically certain of their basic assumptions except by a highly abstract argument and also by much controversy. I wish there could have been less of the latter. But I have thought it important, not only to explain my own point of view, but also to show in what respects it departs from the prevailing theory. Those, who are strongly wedded to what I shall call 'the classical theory', will fluctuate, I expect, between a belief that I am quite wrong and a belief that I am saying nothing new. It is for others to determine if either of these or the third alternative is right. My controversial passages are aimed at providing some material for an answer; and I must ask forgiveness If, in the pursuit of sharp distinctions, my controversy is itself too keen. I myself held with conviction for many years the theories which I now attack, and I am not, I think, ignorant of their strong points.
The matters at issue are of an importance which cannot be exaggerated. But, if my explanations are right, it is my fellow economists, not the general public, whom I must first convince. At this stage of the argument the general public, though welcome at the debate, are only eavesdroppers at an attempt by an economist to bring to an issue the deep divergences of opinion between fellow economists which have for the time being almost destroyed the practical influence of economic theory, and will, until they are resolved, continue to do so.
The relation between this book and my Treatise on Money (JMK vols. v and vi), which I published five years ago, is probably clearer to myself than it will be to others; and what in my own mind is a natural evolution in a line of thought which I have been pursuing for several years, may sometimes strike the reader as a confusing change of view. This difficulty is not made less by certain changes in terminology which I have felt compelled to make. These changes of language I have pointed out in the course of the following pages; but the general relationship between the two books can be expressed briefly as follows. When I began to write my Treatise on Money I was still moving along the traditional lines of regarding the influence of money as something so to speak separate from the general theory of supply and demand. When I finished it, I had made some progress towards pushing monetary theory back to becoming a theory of output as a whole. But my lack of emancipation from preconceived ideas showed itself in what now seems to me to be the outstanding fault of the theoretical parts of that work (namely, Books III and IV), that I failed to deal thoroughly with the effects of changes in the level of output. My so-called 'fundamental equations were an instantaneous picture taken on the assumption of a given output. They attempted to show how, assuming the given output, forces could develop which involved a profit-disequilibrium, and thus required a change in the level of output. But the dynamic development, as distinct from the instantaneous picture, was left incomplete and extremely confused. This book, on the other hand, has evolved into what is primarily a study of the forces which determine changes in the scale of output and employment as a whole; and, whilst it is found that money enters into the economic scheme in an essential and peculiar manner, technical monetary detail falls into the background. A monetary economy, we shall find, is essentially one in which changing views about the future are capable of influencing the quantity of employment and not merely its direction. But our method of analysing the economic behaviour of the present under the influence of changing ideas about the future is one which depends on the interaction of supply and demand, and is in this way linked up with our fundamental theory of value. We are thus led to a more general theory, which includes the classical theory with which we are familiar, as a special case.
The writer of a book such as this, treading along unfamiliar paths, is extremely dependent on criticism and conversation if he is to avoid an undue proportion of mistakes. It is astonishing what foolish things one can temporarily believe if one thinks too long alone, particularly in economics (along with the other moral sciences), where it is often impossible to bring one's ideas to a conclusive test either formal or experimental. In this book, even more perhaps than in writing my Treatise on Money, I have depended on the constant advice and constructive criticism of Mr R.F. Kahn. There is a great deal in this book which would not have taken the shape it has except at his suggestion. I have also had much help from Mrs Joan Robinson, Mr R.G. Hawtrey and Mr R.F. Harrod, who have read the whole of the proof-sheets. The index has been compiled by Mr D. M. Bensusan-Butt of King's College, Cambridge.
The composition of this book has been for the author a long struggle of escape, and so must the reading of...
Erscheint lt. Verlag | 4.11.2021 |
---|---|
Verlagsort | Mikhailovka village |
Sprache | englisch |
Themenwelt | Sachbuch/Ratgeber ► Beruf / Finanzen / Recht / Wirtschaft ► Wirtschaft |
Wirtschaft ► Volkswirtschaftslehre | |
Schlagworte | Classic • classical economy • Economic Theory • economy • English • Keynesian revolution • macroeconomic • psychology of markets • Strelbytskyy Multimedia Publishing |
ISBN-10 | 0-88001-300-1 / 0880013001 |
ISBN-13 | 978-0-88001-300-0 / 9780880013000 |
Haben Sie eine Frage zum Produkt? |
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