Land and Taxation (eBook)

Tideman Nicolaus, V.H. Blundell, Phd Foldvary Fred, Phd Gaffney Mason, M.Sc. Harrison Fred, Phd Tideman Nicolaus (Autoren)

eBook Download: EPUB

2023
450 Seiten
Shepheard Walwyn Publishers (Verlag)
978-0-85683-558-2 (ISBN)

Infos

With an updated introduction by Fred Harrison, Shepheard Walwyn has now published this classic book as an eBook. Economists know that the optimum conditions for private enterprise are achieved when taxes on the earned incomes of labour and capital are reduced to zero but, because neoclassical economic theory insists on treating land as capital, they dismiss the obvious alternative to taxing labour and capital - the unearned income from land. Mason Gaffney explains the importance of recognising land as a distinctive factor of production and the consequences of its uniqueness for economic policy, for example, that income from land is subject to market forces quite different from those that determine a return on capital. Nic Tidman brings together the classical literature on land taxation to explain the argument that such taxation is an economically efficient and ethical revenue source. The authors argue that reform of the structure of public finance would make it possible to restore full employment without causing inflation and to reduce the overall tax burden. Once again, Shepheard Walwyn presents a different approach to an old problem.

V.H. BLUNDELL In memorandum. Vic Blundell was the Principal of the ESSRA School of Economic Studies in London for 25 years. He ran the United Committee for the Taxation of Land Values, the predecessor of the Henry George Foundation. He was the Editor of Land and Liberty, the bi-monthly journal specialising in land economics and politics. Author of False Paths to Higher Wages (1975), Economics, the Political Science: A Study of the Corruption of Economic Concepts (1983), Essays in land economics (1993). FRED FOLDVARY, PhD In memorandum. Fred Foldvary received his BA in economics from the University of California (Berkeley) and his PhD from George Mason University. He was a lecturer in economics at San Jose State University, California and a research fellow at The Independent Institute. His publications include The Soul of Liberty (1980), Public Goods and Private Communities (1994). Beyond Neoclassical Economics (1996), Dictionary of Free Market Economics (1998). MASON GAFFNEY, PhD In memorandum. Gaffney received his doctorate from the University of California (Berkeley). He had a wide and varied professional career, including professor of economics at several universities, a journalist with TIME, Inc. and the head of the British Columbia Institute for Economic Policy Analysis, which he founded. Author of an extensive list of studies on urban economics and public finance, including The Corruption of Economics (1994). Download the eBook here: https://www.amazon.co.uk/Corruption-Economics-Mason-Gaffney-ebook/dp/B0B2WL6WGY/ref=sr_1_6 FRED HARRISON, M.Sc. A graduate of Oxford and London universities, Fred is the author of The Power in the Land (1983), which predicted the economic crisis of 1992. He is the Research Director of the London-based Land Research Trust. He is a prolific writer, including Boom Bust, Ricardo's Law and # WeAreRent. He is notable for his stances on land reform and belief that an over-reliance on land, property and mortgage weakens economic structures and makes companies vulnerable to economic collapse. Listen to the recent Shepheard Walwyn podcast with Fred Harrison: https://shepheardwalwyn.podbean.com/e/fred-harrison-corruption-of-economics-2nd-edition/ NICOLAUS TIDEMAN, PhD Received his PhD from the University of Chicago. He was Assistant Professor of Economics at Harvard University (1969-73) and then Senior Staff Economist at the President's Council of Economic Advisers (1970-71) before moving to Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University as Professor of Economics. He is the author of more than 80 professional articles, mainly on topics in public finance and efficient public decision-making. Listen to the recent Shepheard Walwyn podcast with Nicolaus Tideman:

Textauszug

A

Primary Distinctions

A-l. Land is not produced nor reproduceable

Land is not produced, it was created. It is the world, the planet from which man evolved, with the sun that energizes it and the orbit that tempers it. Land is a free gift, variously expressed in different philosophies as Spaceship Earth, the Big Blue Marble, God’s Gift, Creation, Gaia, The Promised Land, or Nature. Mankind did not create The Earth with its space and resources, nor can we add to them. We can only acquire them, often by fighting, or rent-seeking, or in other counterproductive ways. Man at best improves and develops capacities inherent in the free gift. It is disappointing, and should alert us and make us suspicious, that economic analysis would ever purge out this paramount, self-evident truth.

“Land” in economics means all natural resources and agents, with their sites (locations and extensions in space). Land is not just the matter occupying space: it is space. It includes many things not colloquially called land, such as water and the beds under it, the radio spectrum, docks, rights of way, take-off/landing time slots for aircraft, aquifers, ambient air (the right to breathe it and the license to pollute), “air rights” to strata in the third dimension of cities, falling water, wild fish, game, and vegetation, natural scenery, weather, the environment, the ecology, the natural gene pool, etc. Any franchise, license or privilege giving territorial rights is a species of easement over land. Your driver’s license is a right to use land: red lights remind us of the critical value of space at central locations, since two objects cannot occupy the same space at the same time. It is worth a lot to have the right-of-way, as railroads do.

Economic land excludes many things, too, that are colloquially called land. It excludes land-fill, for example, by which many cities are extended into shallow waters. The site and seabed are properly land; the land-fill is an improvement. There is no “made land” in the economic sense: it is reallocated from other uses. Expanding cities take farmland from producing food and fiber, much of it for the expanding city itself. Filled land in shallow water near cities is taken away from anglers and sailors and viewers and ecologists, who now routinely organize to save it from being “made” away with. Drained and filled wetlands are taken away from endangered species, as well as from their primal role as filters protecting coastal waters from river trash and pollutants. Thanks to the myopia and dereliction of economists, it has taken militant environmentalists to carry home this truth, developing in their struggle to be heard and understood a deep skepticism of economists and their “way of thinking.”

Capital is that which has been produced but not yet used up. Capital is formed by human thrift, forebearance, investment and production. Only after mankind forms and makes capital does it bear much likeness to land, in that they coexist. Ordinary micro-economics obscures the differences because it deals mainly with relations of coexistence, ignoring the continual formation and destruction of capital, ignoring time and relations of sequence. Thus it excludes from its purview one of the prime differences between land and capital. The life of capital, like that of people, is marked by major sacraments of birth, growth, aging and death - all missing from micro theory. Micro deals mainly with how existing resources are allocated at a moment in time, not how they originate, grow, flourish, reproduce, age, die, and decompose.

Capital occupies space; land/.v space. In common micro theory, resources and markets come together at a point not just in time but in space. Again, it excludes from its purview one of the prime qualities of land.

For the reasons given, alone, land and capital are mutually exclusive.

A-2. Land as site is permanent and recyclable

Land as “site” (location plus extension) does not normally wear out, depreciate, spoil, obsolescence, nor get used up by human activities incident to occupancy and production. In contrast, capital depreciates from time and use, routinely and by nature. After being formed, it must be conserved from entropy by continual maintenance, repair, remodelling, safeguarding against theft and fire, and so on. Like our own bodies, it returns to dust; land is the dust to which it returns. Inventories are depleted; moving parts wear out; fixed capital depreciates with use and time. 7

Land normally does not depreciate as a function of time. Most attributes of land also withstand use and abuse. Most land is, rather, expected to appreciate in real value in the long run. Values go in cycles, but the secular history is upwards as population, capital, and demands all grow while land remains fixed. Capital has a period of formation during which it accretes value by storing up other inputs and changing physical form, but that is a phase. Once formed, almost all capital fails with time.

Perhaps the most durable capital is intellectual, like the writings of Plato. These, however, do not endure generations without the continual human effort and expense of education. As schools starve and libraries close, it is sadly certain that much will be lost. Under any conditions much is twisted in transmission, like classical economics itself.

Capital, however durable,] also obsolescences because it is subject to continual competition from streams of new products. Intellectual capital, however classic, is subject to endless competition from floods of new ideas and discoveries. Land does nqjt obsolescence from this cause: there is no new land, let alone modem, state-of-the-art land. Both land and capital are subject to demand-obsolescence from changes in tastes and fashions, but overall the taste for land as a consumer good rises as incomes and wealth grow. The writer has documented elsewhere how the land share of residential real estate value rises sharply with its total value. 8 The land part of residential real estate is a “superior good”; the building part is not.

It follows that the demand for land rises over time with incomes, but faster than incomes. For example, the soaring demand for golf has produced 150 golf courses in one California county (Riverside) alone, pre-empting a good bit of the usable land and a huge share of this natural desert’s limited water resources. The western quarter of Massachusetts, the Berkshires, with adjoining parts of Connecticut, New York, and Vermont, has become one vast country estate for suburban New Yorkers and pensioners, and is priced high above its farm value. Ski resorts, hunting clubs, yacht harbours, spas, beach resorts, and such uses increasingly outbid mere utilitarian uses for prime lands. There is also a high and rising technical multiplier of demand for land to complement modem consumer capital. For example, the parking demands alone of 200 million private cars in the USA. pre-empt an area as large as Maryland and Delaware combined. Soaring demands and reuse values are thus the norm in an affluent society.

What can it mean to “consume” land, when it does not get used up? It can only mean to occupy or pre-empt a time-slot of space. That has the most profound implications for the meaning of “consumption” in economic thinking, and “consumer taxation” in fiscal policy. Economists have neglected and papered over these matters almost completely. These are pursued in B-13 below.

Some attributes of some lands do deteriorate from some uses or abuses. Extractive resources call for special analysis, which the writer has attempted elsewhere. 9 To avoid lengthy repetition from previous publications, the word “land” herein refers to the permanent qualities of land, exemplified by (but not limited to) site. Remember, land is not just matter, it is space itself. 10 It is not unusual for land first to be mined, then used for dumping wastes, then sealed over for urban use. I myself have lived comfortably over an old munitions dump on Lockehaven Drive, Victoria, B.C.

Land is reusable. All the land we have is second-hand, most of it previously-owned. Our descendants, in turn, will have nothing but our hand-me-downs. As there is never any new supply, the old is recycled periodically, and will be in perpetuity, without changing form or location. Melded briefly with fixed buildings, land survives them to go one more round of use. Even while melded with capital, land is fit for another use at any time, unlike the capital on it. Land retains a practicable, measurable, meaningful opportunity cost. Land value in cities may be defined as “what is left after a good fire”; arsonists take that quite literally. In Beverly Hills, California, “tear-downs” are routine as taste-obsolescence races through fashionable neighbourhoods where the land out values even the elegant buildings. These are dated after thirty years.

The opportunity cost of capital is fleeting. Capital loses most of it the moment it is committed to a specific form, whose physical alternative use is often only as scrap. Land’s “opportunity cost” is real and viable at all times. The scrap value of capital is often zero or negative (radioactive waste supplying an extreme example).

Land may be afflicted with such “negative capital,” the harmful waste from prior usage. An example is the spent carcass of an old building needing costly demolition. Some would class that spent carcass as a subtraction from the site value, but “negative capital” makes more sense, as may be inferred by considering the relations between a landlord and a tenant in a perfect market. The lease holds the tenant liable for damages he does and wastes he leaves; the prudent landlord requires of the tenant a...

Produkt-Details

• Erscheint lt. Verlag: 31.1.2023
• Reihe/Serie: Shepheard Walwyn Classics
• Sprache: englisch
• Themenwelt: Technik ► Architektur
• Themenwelt: Technik ► Bauwesen
• Schlagworte: Economic strategy • Green Economics • Greenpeace economics • sustainable economics • Wealth distribution
• ISBN-10: 0-85683-558-7 / 0856835587
• ISBN-13: 978-0-85683-558-2 / 9780856835582