Handbook of the Psychology of Aging (eBook)

James E. Birren, K Warner Schaie (Herausgeber)

eBook Download: EPUB

2011 | 6. Auflage
564 Seiten
Elsevier Science (Verlag)
978-0-08-045607-2 (ISBN)

Infos

The Handbook of the Psychology of Aging, 6e provides a comprehensive summary and evaluation of recent research on the psychological aspects of aging. The 22 chapters are organized into four divisions: Concepts, Theories, and Methods in the Psychology of Aging; Biological and Social Influences on Aging; Behavioral Processes and Aging; and Complex Behavioral Concepts and Processes in Aging.
The 6th edition of the Handbook is considerably changed from the previous edition. Half of the chapters are on new topics and the remaining half are on returning subjects that are entirely new presentations by different authors of new material. Some of the exciting new topics include Contributions of Cognitive Neuroscience to Understanding Behavior and Aging, Everyday Problem Solving and Decision Making, Autobiographical Memory, and Religion and Health Late in Life.
The Handbook will be of use to researchers and professional practitioners working with the aged. It is also suitable for use as a textbook for graduate and advanced undergraduate courses on the psychology of aging.
The Handbook of the Psycology of Aging, Sixth Edition is part of the Handbooks on Aging series, including Handbook of the Biology of Aging and Handbook of Aging and the Social Sciences, also in their 6th editions.

Inhalt

Handbook of The Psychology of Aging 5
Contents 7
Contributors 13
Foreword 17
Preface 19
About the Editors 21
Part One: Concepts, Theory, and Methods in the Psychology of Aging 25
1. Theoretical Issues in the Psychology of Aging 27
I. A Taxonomy of Major Questions 28
II. Criteria for Evaluating Explanations 30
III. Evaluating Criteria 35
IV. Theoretical Progress 35
V. Conclusion 36
References 37
2. Design and Analysis of Longitudinal Studies on Aging 39
I. Research Design and Inferential Scope 41
II. Understanding Heterogeneity in Age-Related Processes 47
III. Methodological Issues in the Study of Aging-Related Change 48
IV. Statistical Analysis of Longitudinal Studies of Aging 50
V. Summary 54
References 37
Part Two: Biological and Social Influences on Aging and Behavior 63
3. Behavior Genetics and Aging 65
I. Theoretical Aspects of Genetics and Aging 41
II. Research Approaches and Issues 47
III. Research Findings 48
IV. New Tools and New Perspectives 50
V. Conclusions 54
References 37
4. Contributions of Cognitive Neuroscience to the Understanding of Behavior and Aging 81
I. Introduction 81
II. Approaches to the Study of Cognitive Neuroscience 83
III. Patterns of Age-Related Differences in Brain Structure and Function 89
IV. Application of Cognitive Neuroscience to the Study of Attention and Memory 96
V. Summary and Future Directions 98
References 37
5. Health, Behavior, and Optimal Aging: A Life Span Developmental Perspective 109
I. A Life Span Developmental Perspective: Toward Optimal Aging 109
II. Changing Health and Behavior of Older Adults 110
III. Psychosocial Factors Affecting the Rate of Aging 115
IV. What Is Optimal Aging? 121
References 37
6. Environmental Gerontology: Progress in the Post-Lawton Era 129
I. Introduction 129
II. The Status of Theory 130
III. The Method Toolkit: Progress In Measurement 134
IV. Reflective Application: The Case For the Action Research Paradigm 137
V. Conclusion and Future Directions 144
References 37
Part Three: Behavioral Processes and Aging 151
7. Vision and Aging 153
I. Introduction 153
II. Structural Changes in the Visual System 153
III. Visual Impairment and Age-related Pathology 157
IV. Age-related Changes in Visual Function 158
References 37
8. Aging, Complexity, and Motor Performance 187
I. Introduction 187
II. Aging and Movement Complexity 187
III. Complexity in Posture, Locomotion, and Manipulation 189
IV. Aging and Loss of Adaptation in Motor Performance 198
V. Concluding Comments 201
References 37
9. Changing Role of the Speed of Processing Construct in the Cognitive Psychology of Human Aging 207
I. Earlier Reviews 207
II. Current Research 213
III. Summary 224
References 37
10. Memory Aging 233
I. Introduction 233
II. Varieties of Memory Aging 234
III. Explanations of the Aging of Memory 242
IV. Memory Interventions 245
V. Summary and Conclusions 247
References 37
11. Applied Learning and Aging: A Closer Look at Reading 257
I. Introduction 257
II. Summary of Past Reviews of Aging and Learning and Memory from Text 258
III. Aging: Cognitive and Motivational Changes and How They May Impact Reading 259
IV. Aging and Models of Reading Comprehension 263
References 37
12. Language Comprehension and Production in Normal Aging 285
I. Lexical Processing 286
II. Sentence Processing 292
III. Discourse Processes 296
IV. A Concluding Word 302
References 37
13. Selection, Optimization, and Compensation as Developmental Mechanisms of Adaptive Resource Allocation: Review and Preview 313
I. Introduction 313
II. Resource-Allocation Processes in Life Span Development 314
III. Four Current Approaches to Adaptive Regulation of Life Span Development 315
IV. The Utility of SOC as an Integrative Framework: Selective Review of Empirical Findings 318
V. Research on SOC: Future Directions 324
VI. Summary and Outlook 330
References 37
14. Everyday Problem Solving and Decision Making 339
I. Introduction 339
II. Evaluating Age, Cognition, and Function Relatedness 344
III. Unanswered Questions and Future Directions 356
IV. Conclusions 359
References 37
15. Aging and the Intersection of Cognition, Motivation, and Emotion 367
I. Cognitive Aging 367
II. Socioemotional Aging 369
III. Socioemotional Selectivity Theory 370
IV. Emotion--Cognition Interactions with Age 371
V. Memory for Emotion in General 372
VI. Positivity Effects in Memory 373
VII. Positivity Effects in Initial Attention 375
VIII. Mechanisms Underlying the Positivity Effect 376
IX. Future Directions 378
X. Summary 379
References 37
16. Personality and Aging 387
I. Personality Organization: The Broadening of Conceptual Models 387
II. Personality Development: Individual Differences in Change 389
III. What Gives Rise to Individual Differences in Intraindividual Personality Change? 391
IV. Personality and Mortality among Older Adults 393
V. Future Directions in the Study of Personality and Aging 395
References 37
17. Attitudes toward Aging and Their Effects on Behavior 403
I. Introduction 403
II. Other's Attitudes about Aging 404
III. Self-Related Attitudes 415
IV. Conclusions 422
References 37
18. Improving the Mental Health of Older Adults 431
I. Current Research on Psychotherapy with Older Adults 432
II. Ethnic Diversity and Interventions for Older Adults 438
III. Policy Dimensions of Mental Health Services for Older Adults 439
IV. Discussion and Conclusions 442
References 37
19. Adaptive Technology 449
I. Eating 450
II. Hygiene 450
III. Health 451
IV. Communications 453
V. The Internet and World Wide Web 455
VI. Mobility 456
VII. Driving 458
VIII. The Future 460
References 37
Part Four: Complex Behavioral Concepts and Processes in Aging 467
20. Wisdom and Aging 469
I. Introduction 469
II. Philosophical Roots of Psychological Conceptualizations of Wisdom 470
III. The Concept of Wisdom: Theories 472
IV. Empirical Research 482
V. Final Remarks 491
References 37
21. Autobiographical Memory and the Narrative Self over the Life Span 501
I. Introduction 501
II. Autobiographical Memory 502
III. The Narrative Self 511
IV. Summary 518
References 37
22. Religion and Health in Late Life 523
I. Church Attendance 524
II. Prayer 525
III. Religious Coping Responses 527
IV. Forgiveness 528
V. Church-Based Social Support 530
VI. Religious Meaning in Life 533
VII. Issues in Assessing Life Course Changes in Religion 535
VIII. Conclusions 537
References 37
Author Index 543
Subject Index 579

Textauszug

One Theoretical Issues in the Psychology of Aging

Timothy A. Salthouse

Much of the research literature in many scientific disciplines can be categorized as primarily addressing empirical, methodological, or theoretical issues. Empirical articles attempt to provide tentative answers to specific questions, methodological articles tend to focus on how to ask answerable questions, and a major goal of theoretical articles is to specify which questions are the most important to ask. The current chapter is primarily concerned with theoretical issues relevant to contemporary research in the psychology of aging, and thus it is focused more on questions than on answers. However, at the outset it is important to acknowledge that no attempt was made to be comprehensive in the coverage of theoretical issues, nor to link the material to the literature in the philosophy of science. Furthermore, the goal was not to review contemporary theories in the field of aging, but rather to stimulate consideration of a number of issues that appear to be central to theoretical speculations in the psychology of aging. Indeed, a major thesis of this chapter is that there is currently a great deal of confusion about what should be considered a psychological theory of aging, at least in part because there is little consensus with respect to the critical questions that should be addressed in order to qualify as a theory of aging. Because the author is most familiar with research on age differences in cognitive functioning, most of the examples are drawn from that research domain, but the issues are assumed to be applicable to many different domains.

At least two well-recognized advantages of theories are that they organize a great deal of information in a parsimonious manner and they serve to guide future research. One of the primary ways in which theories influence the direction of research is by identifying major issues that ultimately must be addressed by a satisfactory theory. By specifying which questions are interesting and important and, by omission, which are not, theories serve to focus research.

The focusing-of-research function is essential because a nearly infinite number of questions could be asked in most research areas, and the vast majority of them could be justified by the claim that their answers are not yet known. However, not all questions are equally important or informative, and a major role of theories is to specify which research questions are central and which are peripheral or irrelevant.

Table 1.1 Major Theoretical Questions in the Psychology of Aging

Question	Issue	Elaboration

What?

In what psychological respects do people of different ages vary?

What refers to the phenomenon to be explained.

When?

At what ages do the changes occur?

When refers to the timing of the phenomenon.

Where?

Which hypothetical aspects, theoretical components, or neuroanatomical substrates are primarily involved in the phenomenon?

Where refers to conceptual or neuroanatomical localization.

Why?

What is responsible for the developmental changes?

Why refers to the causal determinants of the phenomenon.

How?

What are the mechanisms by which the developmental changes occur?

How refers to the manner by which the cause exerts its effect.

I. A Taxonomy of Major Questions

It is helpful to begin by considering a taxonomy of major questions that ultimately must be addressed by a successful theory. In addition to providing a systematic basis for evaluating theories, the taxonomy may also be useful in understanding how theories differ from one another and why it is often not feasible to make direct comparisons among theories.

The taxonomy, which is summarized in Table 1.1, conceptualizes major issues in the psychology of aging in terms of questions concerning the what, when, where, why, and how of the phenomenon of age-related differences in some aspect of behavior. Each of the questions is important because a phenomenon could be considered to be well understood, and the theory would be considered to provide a compelling explanation of the phenomenon, if all of the questions had convincing answers.

The question of what is clearly relevant to distinctions among theories because the answer will affect the intended scope of the theory. For example, if the theory is primarily concerned with age differences in a limited aspect of behavior, then it would probably be considered relatively narrow in scope. In contrast, if the phenomenon is defined in general terms that encompass many different types of variables, then it would be viewed as fairly broad.

How a theory answers the question of what will also determine which aspects of the phenomenon are considered primary, and perhaps somewhat analogous to the central “disease,” and which are considered secondary, and possibly more analogous to “symptoms” of the disease. For example, a variable that is interpreted as representing merely one of many possible manifestations of the phenomenon of primary interest might not be considered a high priority for theory-relevant research.

Because the answer to the question of what serves to specify the primary focus of a theory, this information needs to be considered before attempting to compare two or more theories. For example, if theories differ in their answers to the question of what, comparisons among them may not be meaningful because at a fundamental level they are not addressing the same phenomenon. To illustrate, two theories may both be concerned with adult age differences in measures of speed, and hence from a certain perspective they might be considered similar. However, one of the theories might be primarily concerned with describing the relations among reaction time measures of speed in adults of different ages (Cerella, 1990), whereas another might attempt to explain the relations between a theoretical construct of processing speed and adult age differences in a variety of measures of cognitive functioning (Salthouse, 1996). Because in the former case the answer to the what question refers to the relation among reaction times in different age groups whereas in the latter case it refers to the role of speed in age-related differences in cognitive performance, the theories are not addressing the same phenomena, and consequently it may not make sense to attempt to make direct comparisons among them.

The question of when is relevant to the evaluation of theories because if the theory assumes that the phenomenon begins early in adulthood, then the theorist needs to consider what can be learned by studying age differences very late in life, whereas if the theory assumes that the phenomenon begins late in life, then the relevance of observations in early adulthood needs to be considered. In other words, if a theory's answer to the question of when is very late in life, then research on young adults may not be directly relevant to the theory, but if the phenomenon is assumed to begin early in life, then research restricted to older adults may be of limited value. Whether findings from research on adults from different age ranges are relevant to the theory will therefore be determined by the theory's conceptualization of the phenomenon. Many studies compare a sample of young college students with a sample of adults between 60 and 80 years of age, others restrict their focus to adults above a certain age, such as 50 or 70, and a few studies compare adults across a wide range of 18 to 90 or older. However, depending on the theory's answer to the question of when, it may not be meaningful to treat each of these types of data as equally applicable to the theory because, for example, changes before age 60 may not be viewed as reflecting the same phenomenon or might not be postulated to involve the same mechanisms as changes that occur after age 80.

Most of the theoretical attempts to address the question of where have tried to localize age-related effects within some type of conceptual or neuroanatomical model of the behavioral variable of interest. To illustrate, at least five approaches to localization have been employed by researchers investigating influences associated with increased age on aspects of cognitive functioning. In each case a number of conceptually distinct “loci” for age-related influences have been postulated, and a primary goal of the research conducted within that perspective was to determine which of the possible loci have the greatest relations to age. For example, researchers working with correlation-based structural models have attempted to localize age-related influences within models of the organization of cognitive variables such as at the level of individual variables, the level of first-order factors, or the level of higher order factors. Researchers working with componential models have attempted to localize the influences within qualitatively different processing components that are postulated to contribute to performance on the task. Theorists who have proposed stage models attempt to localize age-related influences within components that are postulated to represent an ordered sequence between input and output, such as encoding, storage, and retrieval in the case of memory. Theorists working with computational models attempt to determine which specific parameters of one or more...

Produkt-Details

• Erscheint lt. Verlag: 27.4.2011
• Sprache: englisch
• Themenwelt: Sachbuch/Ratgeber
• Themenwelt: Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Allgemeine Psychologie
• Themenwelt: Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Entwicklungspsychologie
• Themenwelt: Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Klinische Psychologie
• Themenwelt: Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Sozialpsychologie
• Themenwelt: Geisteswissenschaften ► Psychologie ► Verhaltenstherapie
• Themenwelt: Medizin / Pharmazie ► Medizinische Fachgebiete ► Geriatrie
• Themenwelt: Sozialwissenschaften ► Soziologie
• ISBN-10: 0-08-045607-3 / 0080456073
• ISBN-13: 978-0-08-045607-2 / 9780080456072